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On Sunday, July 12, 2009, the Los Angeles Times published on its front page and on four full inside pages an article headed, Problem nurses stay on job as patients suffer.
Of the many extraordinary things about this story, one stands out: it was written and principally reported by two reporters, Charles Ornstein and Tracy Weber, who do not work for the Times. They work at ProPublica, a New York–based nonprofit and nonpartisan team of investigative journalists founded in 2008 and funded by philanthropy, including major support from the Sandler Foundation. Just a few years ago, there would have been a very slim chance that a paper of the Times’s standing would have devoted so much prime real estate to anything not entirely of its own origination and execution.
How the world has changed! Over the past year, the Times and ProPublica have collaborated on two dozen stories on more than a half dozen subjects, and almost certainly will on more. And how good it has been for the people of California that these two organizations did find a way to work together!
The piece detailed how the state board that licenses nurses was failing horribly to do its job. Specifically, the board was taking an average of 3.5 years—and sometimes as much as six years—to remove the licenses of nurses convicted of stealing drugs from their patients, of beating their patients, or of being in a stupor from drugs or alcohol while their patients faced emergencies. If these nurses were fired from one hospital for such misdeeds, they simply took their licenses down the street to another hospital, often to begin a new cycle of mistreatment and endangerment.
The day after the Times published these revelations, Governor Arnold Schwarzenegger fired a majority of the nursing board’s members and replaced them with a new slate whom he charged with curing the system. Will they succeed? It’s far too early to tell, although the board has been granted subpoena power, has finally begun to set enforcement priorities, and has more than doubled the number of cases it initiates. ProPublica will continue to monitor their progress.
I tell this anecdote not to brag on myself—I’m the editor-in-chief of ProPublica—or even to praise my brilliant colleagues Ornstein and Weber, who are the ones who deserve credit. The point is to show the importance of this kind of work: journalism intended to shine a spotlight on abuse of power and failure to uphold the public interest, and by so doing to give the public the information needed to produce positive change.
We used to be able to count on robust metropolitan dailies to provide a steady flow of this valuable work. Now, while many newspapers continue to do as much of it as they can, the destruction of the business model they once depended on and the resultant shrinkage and even shuttering of newspapers around the country are robbing the American people of an important bulwark of our democracy.
This change, of course, is just one of the many effects of a revolution in the way we get our news and information, caused by the dazzling rise of the Internet. This revolution has transformed the typical large and mid-size metro newspaper from a hugely profitable quasi monopoly turning out a must-have product for vast swaths of society, into an at-best break-even business with the dismal prospect of flattening or shrinking revenues. Newspapers are in the position of producing, at legacy expense, a product that is liked but considered not needed by college graduates over the age of 40—while increasingly ignored by everyone else.
That sounds terrible, and to many of my friends in print journalism, where I spent a 40-year career, it is terrible. Moreover, while the details are different, much is similar at network television news and at the serious magazines.
At the same time, however, it’s important to remember that this revolution has also brought many, many positives to society already, with many more likely to come in the future.
The negatives are easy to see.
Newspapers are shrinking staffs and news space. The Seattle Post-Intelligencer has gone Web-only, while the Rocky Mountain News has closed altogether. Great old newspapers, like the Philadelphia Inquirer, have been operating in bankruptcy proceedings, as have entire chains, like Tribune. Even the New York Times has been losing money much of the past year and has had to borrow at junk-bond rates from a Mexican industrialist.
Staff cuts have hit two areas particularly hard: investigative reporting and foreign reporting, in part because these are among the most expensive types of coverage. The Boston Globe, the Baltimore Sun, Newsday and many others have shut their once-proud foreign bureaus entirely. The Washington Post has cut its investigative team roughly in half, and nearly all papers have reduced the amount of time their shrunken reporting staffs can spend digging into possible domains of corruption, because they need to file news stories more often.
In total, between the beginning of 2008 and the middle of 2009, newspapers have bought out or laid off nearly 26,000 journalists. That is the equivalent of more than 20 New York Timeses.
Take what this means in one small place: Trenton, the capital of New Jersey, where I got my first paying job in journalism. A few years ago there were more than 50 reporters covering the Trenton state house. Now, I’m told, there are less than a quarter as many. This means that not only is there corruption that won’t be reported, but also that politicians, lobbyists, and others who might have toed the line before will now be tempted to cross it, because nobody will be watching.
Multiply that by 50 states and you have the bad that the Internet revolution has wrought. But there is plenty of good.
The first is speed. Clearly, we are getting much important news faster. The first detailed information about this past summer’s brutal crackdown against dissidents in Iran came not from reporters but from ordinary Iranian citizens, who were “tweeting” and e-mailing from the scene of the horror. Reporters were kept away and had to wait to verify the sickening reports.
Then there is access to extraordinarily detailed information across a wide range of subjects, with some often-prosaic but satisfying consequences. I recently was about to embark on an early fall trip that would involve four days in Maine and three in Florida, with no opportunity to stop home in New York and refill my suitcase. I knew it would be hot in Florida and chilly in Maine. But how chilly, and how wet? Extended weather forecasts from both states allowed me to travel without rain gear and with only a light sweater.
My father grew up in Brooklyn. I spent part of the ’60s, ’70s and ’80s in Los Angeles. I’m an obsessive Dodgers fan. I live 3,000 miles away from California, in Manhattan. The Web lets me follow every pitch, every stat, and every injury report no matter where in the Web-enabled world I am, at any time of the day or night. That means not just Missoula or Miami or even Mexico City, but also Warsaw and Beijing. Obsessive, yes, but convenient.
Consider another kind of ubiquity. Last year, a 20-something, self-taught Internet genius named Amanda Michel mobilized hundreds of politically active citizens to supply info for her “Off the Bus” report on the Huffington Post Web site. When Candidate Obama voiced the notion that some folks who were losing out in the global economy were clinging to such things as religion and guns to compensate, Michel’s network captured it and we soon all heard about it. Without that network, we might never have known, because reporters weren’t invited into the area where Mr. Obama spoke.
Michel now works for ProPublica and has put together a team of more than 2,200 volunteers who will do similar reporting for us. This army permits us, for instance, to track progress on 500 representative federal stimulus projects in real time, even though our own news staff numbers just 32.
The rise of the Web has also produced a torrent of opinion. Some is a mixed blessing—folks riffing in their pajamas about news they wouldn’t know about but for the reporting of traditional media, and giving it an often angry, often exaggerated spin to fit their particular vision of the world.
But some is of real value: finding connections that no one else has spotted, or keeping the heat on an important story, as Josh Marshall, of Talking Points Memo, famously did a few years ago with the story about the politically motivated firings of US attorneys.
Given examples like these, some prophets of Web paradise argue that in the future there will be no need not only for newspapers—there will be no need for organizations of trained professional journalists.
They make this argument even when faced with examples of egregious errors propagated on the Web. As my friend Michael Massing noted in a two-part report in the New York Review of Books recently, during last year’s political campaign bloggers on the left insisted that Sarah Palin had faked being pregnant to shield her daughter Bristol, supposedly the baby’s real mother, while those on the right steadfastly asserted that Mr. Obama had faked his birth certificate and thus his eligibility for the presidency.
What’s the harm, the extreme Web advocates ask. Just as Wikipedia gradually gets us to truth, they argue, people with better knowledge will come forward to amend phony posts like these. And if the process of getting to truth needs to be speeded up, technology combined with the efforts of citizen volunteer journalists will provide the answer.
Not so fast.
The process of finding and communicating what we used to call news may no longer require newspapers—at least not as we have known them, as seven-day-a-week, ink-on-paper compendiums of new information on a broad range of subjects. But the process will still require journalism and journalists, to smoke out the most difficult-to-report situations, to test glib assertions against the facts, to probe for the carefully contrived hoax. These are reporting activities that take a great deal of time, money, and skill.
The example of the Ornstein-Weber piece in the Los Angeles Times on how inept the California board was in removing licenses from felonious nurses amply demonstrates the importance of journalism and of journalistic organizations like the Times and ProPublica. Without such people and institutions, there is no way such a report would have emerged on the Web.
It took many painstaking months to assemble the evidence necessary to demonstrate that it was taking the board unconscionable lengths of time to dig into these cases. Scores of people needed to be tracked down and asked if they had any information related to what our reporting had appeared to uncover. Few bloggers have the luxury of such time. Reporters risked being sued for libel or slander if they misidentified any of the miscreant nurses or mischaracterized their behavior. Few bloggers can afford to lose—or even to defend—a $10-million libel case. Databases needed to be built, analyzed, and made Web-friendly. Few bloggers have the quantitative or technical skills to do this.
For decades, newspapers and, to a lesser extent, magazines and television, have provided the reporting, editing, legal guidance, and training necessary for information as crucial as that of the LA Times report to get before the public. Some of those institutions will succeed at morphing into more Web-friendly forms and will carry on their roles as department stores of news. These may include the New York Times, the Wall Street Journal, the Washington Post, and network and cable news. Public radio and television are likely to play a larger role, as they increasingly pour efforts into their Web sites and produce text and still photography to go along with audio and video. I suspect they will all be joined by pure Internet creatures perhaps including Talking Points Memo, the Huffington Post, and the Daily Beast.
Carrying the retailing metaphor forward, I think the relative role of boutiques will rise, both for-profit and not-for-profit. Magazines like the New Yorker, the Atlantic, Vanity Fair; ideological standard bearers like the Nation, Mother Jones, the National Review, and the Spectator; Web-based upstarts like Politico; hyperlocal sites like voiceofsandiego.org, MinnPost, and the forthcoming Texas Tribune all have the potential to extend the practice of investigative or “accountability” journalism. It will be years, though, if then, before they will make up for the losses incurred in the last year or two.
At ProPublica, we strive to play a meaningful role in this process. With the largest investigative news staff in the nation, and with established partnerships with a range of national and metropolitan publishers, there are some things we believe we are uniquely positioned to accomplish.
Two more examples may suffice:
Our coverage of the risks to the nation’s water supplies from hydraulic fracturing, a promising means of drilling for natural gas, has set off a national debate, now reaching to the halls of Congress. More than 40 exclusive ProPublica stories on hydrofracking have already run in five leading metro newspapers, two major online sites, a national magazine, and on public radio, as well as on our own site, ProPublica.org. That is a range, and a persistence, that traditional news organizations increasingly are unable to match.
At the same time, we can empower other journalists as well. On August 5, 2009, for instance, ProPublica launched its Recovery Tracker, a database enabling anyone to review federal stimulus spending down to the county level. In the four weeks that followed, local reporters around the country dug into the database and produced stories on the impact of the spending in their communities. Such stories, each of them based on original reporting and the use of ProPublica’s database, were published by nearly 70 local newspapers and Web sites.
These efforts do not lessen the pain being suffered among journalists today. They do not, by themselves, remove the threat to accountability, and thus to our democracy, posed by the business challenges of the press. But they are a start, and they hold, I believe, real promise.
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A few years ago I saw a BBC TV program where a middle-aged UK newspaper reporter spent several days doing her job without the internet, as an experiment. It was fascinating that on Monday morning she could not remember how to start or what to do. Over the days she had to painfully reconstruct how to operate. She had to relearn leaving her desk and going to grass-roots/on-scene investigations.
In other words reporters have shifted dramatically to being “parrots” of superficial stories. And at the same time I believe modern instant-gratification communications have caused the public to lose it’s attention span for complex involved time-spanning events like the nurses story.
Posted 19 October 2009, 10:58 by John Phipps
First of all, Paul, I commend you and ProPublica for assessing this problem and addressing it in what we hope will prove to be an effective, and ultimately, profitable way. (We all need to make a living, and this is America, you know.) So keep up the good work. May ProPublica prosper in this endeavor.
2.) In the boomer era, which is passing, a time that began with three TV networks and Walter Cronkite, news consumers were told what issues were important. But in the internet age news consumers will decide for themselves what is newsworthy and what is relevant. News will become a reporting upon what the <b>effects</b> of events are, not the causes. Case in point: the Iran protestors. The manner in which their predicament was displayed for all the world to see is a picture of future journalism. And it <b>is</b> citizen journalism.
3.) Those professional journalists who can find their way through this minefield of change will be the reporters and publishers of our future. And we <b>do</b> need you. So don’t give up, and think out of the box.
4.) You wrote, Paul: “Just as Wikipedia gradually gets us to truth, they argue, people with better knowledge will come forward to amend phony posts like these.” This is the pattern for future fact-finding on the worldwide web, like it or not. Get used to it.
5.) You also wrote, Paul:“But the process will still require journalism and journalists, to smoke out the most difficult-to-report situations, to test glib assertions against the facts, to probe for the carefully contrived hoax. These are reporting activities that take a great deal of time, money, and skill.” Your future strategy in this may be more like the public radio model than the old subscriber/ad supported model.
6.) Whatever happens, keep your finger on the pulse of our nation and our world, and by so doing help us to sort the wheat from the chaff in the millions of megs of info and opinion generated daily.Don’t give up.
Posted 17 October 2009, 18:32 by Carey Rowland
You’ve captured the essence of the conundrum and it is one that I have wrestled with and argued about on-line, off-line, and over glasses of wine: why isn’t there more outrage generated by stories like the one you cite about abusive nurses? Why aren’t those reporters broadly lionized?
There seems to be lack of concern among mostly younger people (I hate to put it that way, but that’s how it appears) that greedy corporations, abusive nurses, corrupt politicians, or any other bad actors can pose a threat to their basic way of life. What appears in traditional media is dismissed as either biased, irrelevant, or both no matter what ugliness reporters have uncovered. There doesn’t seem to be any wariness of what powerful elites can do to further their own interests. The response is “whatever” with a shrug of the shoulders and a return to the iPod.
Corporate consolidation and financial pressures have made the traditional media blander and less interesting (thank you, ProPublica, for helping stem the tide). The quality of the writing in the Boston Globe, for example, has deteriorated as the newsroom has been gutted of its veterans. There is hardly any news in local TV news shows. We have been lucky to have a strong NPR affiliate, WBUR, that has stepped up with increased quality news coverage and the Globe news staff seems to be regaining its mettle after being threatened with complete closure. Other markets have not been so lucky.
Perhaps it is because those of us who grew up in a time when investigative journalism shaped our view of the world didn’t do a good job of passing it along. Perhaps it is because we allowed news presenters to become celebrities (the saddest statistic I’ve read lately is that Katie Couric’s salary exceeds the total budgets of NPR’s Morning Edition and All Things Considered — combined). Perhaps it is that and a hundred other reasons — who knows, but we have to arrest the slide of investigative journalism. I suggest some sort of celebration of “stories you never would have heard without the work of journalists.”
Posted 15 October 2009, 13:27 by Eric McNulty
“Why aren’t we seeing it as an existential threat to our system of governance?” The answer is simple. Look at the research on the trust Americans have for journalists. Most Americans realize they have been fed a highly biased view of the world. The recent Pew study on the 2008 election showed the incredible bias towards Barack Obama by the major networks. FOX, the only one that Pew found was, forgive me, fair and balanced, is now being vilified by the networks and the government. Investigative reporters such as Stossel and O’Reilly are also vilified by the rest of the media.
If the media really did investigative reporting, and really functioned as the Fourth Estate, instead of as an apparent lackey of one political party, people would come to trust journalists again.
Look at the recent examples of the coverage of the Acorn scandal, the conservative march on Washington, and the Van Jones controversy. You might not like the stories, but to any objective journalist, they were stories. Ignoring them, as ABC, NBC, CBS, the NYT, and the Washington Post tried to do, just further undermined the credibility of the media.
Posted 15 October 2009, 11:09 by Robert W DePree
I’m frankly feeling overwhelmed by the numbers cited—26,000 journalists lost—and while ProPublica seems to be an effective organization and filling a space, it’s got 32 journalists! What I don’t understand about this issue is, why aren’t we as a nation talking about it more? Why aren’t we seeing it as an existential threat to our system of governance?
Posted 14 October 2009, 18:52 by Andy Wall
When I worked in broadcast news in New York, I had a colleague who never voted. He never would. To do so, he felt, would compromise his objectivity — his ability to pursue elected officials when their actions (or inactions) warranted investigation.
By contrast, people today don’t vote because, in many cases, they don’t feel that it makes any difference — money is so powerful and that power is so corrupting that “the little guy” just doesn’t stand a chance. And, with news organizations now controlled by admitted partisans, the little guy may be right.
ProPublica is vital in this kind of environment. Yet, at the same time, it’s incredibly vulnerable. The same deep-pocketed corporations that control print and broadcast news outlets could, potentially, influence the way in which the general public and elected officials perceive the facts. That’s dangerous. And its danger is magnified on the Web because misinformation (or disinformation) can spread so far so fast.
Consider health care. The discussions about the administration’s proposals are rife with inaccuracies, but their constant repetition by well-funded ideologues has created a climate of fear and doubt that would make McCarthy proud.
While the majority of Americans rely on television for the news, television news itself has morphed into ratings-driven infotainment. Celebrity gaffes are more likely to be the lede than stories about government boondoggles or corporate malfeasance, and viewers’ sense of what’s important has itself morphed in the process. As long as those viewers keep watching and the ratings stay high, newscasts will continue to produce the same drivel.
Why don’t viewers object or tune out? Maybe it’s that same sense of powerlessness. They don’t feel they have a voice in local affairs, in how their representatives behave, or in how policies are drafted and enacted. When they’re disenfranchised on the most basic levels, they’re left feeling that, regardless of what they do, it won’t make any difference — not in what appears or his heard on the airwaves, not in what corporate executives can get away with, and not in what elected officials do to accommodate their large campaign contributors.
That sense of desperation is a likely rationale for term limits. The electorate felt that incumbents, thanks to large campaign warchests and the support of special interests, could influence public opinion and perpetuate themselves (and their shortcomings) indefinitely. So, rather than risk being accomplices (and fearing that they’d be swayed by campaign propoganda), they opted, instead, to risk losing good representation to prevent sustaining the bad.
Is that because our public education has declined so precipitously since the ’80s that a sense of history and informed judgment has vanished? Perhaps. But that’s another story.
So, yes, ProPublica may be the future, and the fate of a free society and of government of, by, and for the people may depend on what they do. Yet, unless the public itself reaches its Howard Beale breaking point, the powerful will only accumulate more power, insinuate themselves into government even more insidiously, and will quash any remnants of a free press.
Posted 14 October 2009, 16:48 by Peter Altschuler